Commentary: How might people of good will regard Republicans who are abandoning Trump?
Many Republicans believed deeply in Donald Trump, and still do, even after the insurrection.
In 2016, Trump made many Republicans uneasy. He was untrustworthy and amoral, and lacked political convictions or qualifications. Republican leaders said so. When they underestimated the danger, and failed to unite against him, he became their nominee. A few Republicans chose to retain their independence; but most Republican leaders fell silent about Trump’s defects, held their noses, and supported him. Their reasons (including ambition, money, and hopes he could implement policies they liked) outweighed truth, honesty, or even maintaining democracy. Some Trump associates and appointees figured they could improve or control him.
Trying to bend the law and the Constitution like pretzels to overrule voters is about as bad as it gets. Trump’s phone calls demanding that Georgia officials find him more votes were indictable crimes. Then he tried to pressure Republican Congressfolk to toss out the election results, and upped the pressure by inciting an angry mob to go threaten them. Even had the mob stayed lawful, this is not how any president should act – or ever has.
Many Republicans say: “He’s our guy, and we’re not finished. Look out, Joe!” People who were once patriots may violently attack the Inauguration of our elected president.
Others concede the violence was wrong, but say Trump isn’t responsible because he didn’t say, “Sack the Capitol!” and that he’s right about election fraud.
Some say Trump was wrong and should be punished (or removed under Amendment 25), adding, “I never signed up for this!” Even some who work with him say, “We miscalculated. He really is a fascist.”
Repeating Trump’s wacky election lies (rejected by courts, state legislatures, and even Trump’s advisors) helps convince folks that anything they do against the government that cheated them is justified.
Meanwhile, for cynical politician McConnell, impeachment could conveniently eliminate the party’s Trump problem.
It’s easy to feel superior, listening to Republicans confess error and appreciating their distancing themselves from Donald, while remembering how long it took them.
It’s harder, but important, to question ourselves. Suppose a charismatic conman arose on the left, greedy and dangerously unstable, but promising he could reverse our horrible economic inequality, confront global warming, ensure health care for everyone, and talk Congress into a reasonable immigration policy. These are goals I’ve long wished politicians would get serious about.
How much would I risk misrule or look away while he removed bricks from the foundation of our democracy to get us on the right track toward solving such issues? Would I stay silent when he curtailed the freedoms of folks I think spout nonsense, if he was cutting down on poverty and injustice?
Doesn’t that undermine my righteous indignation at nonviolent Republicans who collaborated with Trump?
But talking with Trumpists is frustrating. Their belief in election fraud survives no matter what. So does their faith that although identifiable Trumpists are on video and have been arrested, antifa infiltrators damaged the Capitol. Forced to face the ugliness of 6 January, they toss a “Hail Mary” by proclaiming that during some largely peaceful protests against racism, protesters destroyed buildings too.
I’d prefer a thoughtful exchange of ideas and evidence, open to the possibility we might each learn something. Political discourse ain’t a football game. If we treat it as one, we all lose.